Russian historians and nationalists (imperialists) claim the Donbas was always ‘Russian’ and multi-national. The first two provide a theoretical introduction to boundaries and homelands, and a broad definition of racism based on the context of Crimea with an analysis of Russian and Ukrainian racism towards Crimean Tatars. As Crimea prepares for a referendum on its future, ... evoking a memory Kadyrov shares with all Crimean Tatars. [88] That same year, Dzhemilev was also arrested. His publications include The Sources of Russia’s Great Power Politics: Ukraine and the Challenge to the European Order (2018) Putin’s War Against Ukraine. Academic orientalist and Putinversteher attitudes towards Crimea are common. Crimean Tatar activist Emir-Usein Kuku told a Russian court that sentenced him to twelve years on false charges of ‘terrorism’: ‘Does it not strike you as strange that in the 23 years Crimea was under Ukrainian rule, there were no ‘extremists’ nor ‘terrorists,’ and no ‘acts of terrorism,’ but as soon as Russia arrived with its FSB, there was suddenly all of that?’ (Coynash 2020a). [65] Despite this difficult physical labor, the Crimean Tatars were given only around 200 grams (7.1 oz)[66] to 400 grams (14 oz) of bread per day. [56], During this mass eviction, the Soviet authorities confiscated around 80,000 houses, 500,000 cattle, 360,000 acres of land, and 40,000 tons of agricultural provisions. My parents had sisters and brothers, but when they arrived in Uzbekistan, the only survivors were themselves. Putin’s discourse in the six years prior to 2014, and especially during the ‘Russian spring,’ sent signals to Russian nationalists (imperialists) and pro-Russian groups in Crimea and the Donbas that Russian leaders no longer upheld Ukraine’s territorial status quo, while large areas of Ukraine are ‘Russian’ and were wrongly included in Ukraine by Soviet leaders. Imperialists and colonialists have traditionally disparaged the capabilities of their former colonies to lead independent states because ‘natives’ are supposedly in need of an ‘elder brother’ to guide them in the modern world. In 2014, Putin’s alliance with ‘brown’ (fascist), ‘white’ (monarchist and Orthodox fundamentalist), and ‘red’ (Communist) political forces was evident in his ‘New Russia’ project for southeastern Ukraine (Laruelle 2016a). President Yeltsin was incapacitated in the second half of the 1990s, while from 2000 Putin consolidated his power domestically and flirted with the West’s anti-terrorist campaign. [86], In 1968 unrest erupted among the Crimean Tatar people in the Uzbek city of Chirchiq. 59% in Donetsk and 80% in southeastern Ukraine did not believe that there was discrimination against Russian speakers (Kulyk 2018, 20; Giuliano 2018). Tatar movement. [44], Soviet propaganda sought to hide the population transfer by claiming that the Crimean Tatars had "voluntarily resettle[d] to Central Asia". Russia has been targeting the Tatars with illegal detentions and other threats, even forcing them out of Crimea, but the ethnic minority refuses to accept Moscow's sovereignty Soon after Russia annexed the Crimean Peninsula in March 2014, Moscow launched a crackdown against the region's Turkic Muslim minority called the Tatars. (2010) and Ukraine-Crimea-Russia: Triangle of Conflict (2007). Ukraine’s leadership responded passively, neither giving the order to its security forces to strategically retreat or defend their bases. The effect of this population change was that the ‘region’s pre-Soviet Cossack agricultural history died with the Holodomor’ (Wilson 2016, 636). [80] On 28 April 1956, the directive "On Removing Restrictions on the Special Settlement of the Crimean Tatars... Relocated during the Great Patriotic War" was issued, ordering a de-registration of the deportees and their release from administrative supervision. "[135] On 12 December 2015, the Ukrainian Parliament issued a resolution recognizing this event as genocide and established 18 May as the "Day of Remembrance for the victims of the Crimean Tatar genocide. According to their records, there were 44,887 excess deaths in these five years, 19.6 per cent of that total group. Racism is a common thread running through Tsarist, Soviet and Putin’s attitudes and policies towards Crimean Tatars. The deportation of the Crimean Tatars (Crimean Tatar: Qırımtatar halqınıñ sürgünligi; Ukrainian: Депортація кримських татар; Russian: Депортация крымских татар) or the Sürgünlik ("exile") was the ethnic cleansing and cultural genocide[c 1] of at least 191,044[c 2] Crimean Tatars in 18–20 May 1944 carried out by the Soviet government, ordered by Lavrentiy Beria, head of the Soviet state security and secret police, acting on behalf of Joseph Stalin. Between 2007–2011, nationalist (imperialist) views of Ukraine and Ukrainians gained ground among Russian leaders and the Russian opposition. Many thanks! Not as an animal." A Russian prosecutor has demanded sentences of 19, 18 and 13 years against three Crimean Tatars who are not accused of any recognizable crime. Irish Catholics were viewed as backward because of their rural and peasant backgrounds (Laughlin 2001). Throughout history, the Crimean Tatars have challenged Russian aggression by utilizing two main strategies: engaging and confronting. "Nearly 50,000 Crimean Tatars used to gather in Simferopol, the capital of Crimea, to commemorate the deportation. [83] When older dissidents were arrested, a new, younger generation would emerge that would replace them. It is not difficult to find examples of Putin’s nationalism (imperialism) towards Ukraine; that is, if one treats Ukraine as a separate country from Russia and if one wants to accept his discourse as nationalistic (imperialistic) (Putin 2014a, 2014b, 2015a, 2015b, 2017, 2019, 20230a, 2020b). Meshkov’s presidency proved to be short-lived as President Kuchma annulled the Crimean presidency a year later. ‘Boundaries make a difference. Between 1855 and 1866 at least 500,000 Muslims, and possibly up to 900,000, left the Russian Empire and emigrated to the Ottoman Empire. Indeed, as Will Kymlicka (1997, 19) points out, ‘The origins of virtually every state and virtually every political boundary, are tainted by conquest or other injustices.’. The Jewish minority has fled from Russian-occupied Donbas (DNR, LNR) to Ukrainian-controlled territory after Russian proxies demanded they pay $50 to register and provide proof of properties and businesses they owned. In 2012, at the height of Yanukovych’s presidency, 60% of newspapers, 83% of journals, 87% of books and 72% of television programmes were in Russian. Putin’s and Russia’s hostility to Ukrainian sovereignty, territorial integrity, and Yushchenko’s pro-western foreign policy grew exponentially in Crimea after 2005. The presence of Muslim Committees organized from Berlin by various Turkic foreigners appeared a cause for concern in the eyes of the Soviet government, already weary of Turkey at the time. [30] Six Crimean Tatars were even named the Heroes of the Soviet Union, and thousands more were awarded high honors in the Red Army. Muslim graveyards and religious objects in Crimea were demolished or converted into secular places. The Embassy of the United States in Ukraine says it is concerned over the detention of 120 Crimean Tatars in Russian-occupied Crimea. Putin had twice visited Ukraine during the first and second rounds of the 2004 elections to support Yanukovych; US President George W. Bush did not visit Ukraine until 2008. Magocsi (1996, 2010) does not accept Russian and western imperial historiography, which claims that Crimea was populated by ‘Russians’ or that it was part of ‘Kievan Russia’ (Kyiv Rus). In 1966 he was arrested for the first time and spent a total of 17 years in prison during the Soviet era. Pijl (2018, 45) writes that Russian is ‘the language of education and media, including internet.’ Meanwhile, the Ukrainian language is ‘hardly developed as a modern language’ (Pijl 2018, 45). [139], The 2013 Ukrainian Crimean Tatar-language film Haytarma portrays the experience of Crimean Tatar flying ace and Hero of the Soviet Union Amet-khan Sultan during the 1944 deportations. It is rather odd that Jews had no compulsion in fleeing the allegedly ‘multicultural’ Russian-controlled Donbas to the ‘nationalistic’ and ‘fascist’ Ukraine, while Jews living abroad have no hesitation in travelling to Ukraine in large numbers. Russia has imprisoned Crimean Tatar activists, closed down Crimean Tatar institutions (such as the unofficial parliament Majlis), persecuted Crimean Tatar culture, and imprisoned and deported Tatar leaders (Coynash and Charron 2019; Skrypnyk 2019). Crimean Tatars and Their World: Lithographs made by Carlo Bossoli. [78] Professor Michael Rywkin gives a figure of at least 42,000 Crimean Tatars who died between 1944 and 1951, including 7,900 who died during the transit[4] Professor Brian Glyn Williams gives a figure of between 40,000 and 44,000 deaths as a consequence of this deportation. Around the larger cities, such as Sevastopol, a Crimean Tatar was on average given only 0.04 acres of land, which was of poor quality or unsuitable for farming. Russian civic identity, confined to the Russian Federation, proved to be weak in the 1990s (Tolz 1998a, 1998b). Some witnesses claimed that they travelled for 24 consecutive days. In 1987 Crimean Tatar activists organized a protest in the centre of Moscow near the Kremlin. Thus, Crimean Tatars began leaving Crimea in several waves of emigration. Ukraine adopted an ephemeral ‘non-bloc’ foreign policy which dropped the goal of NATO membership. Pro-Ukrainian forces were limited to 26 deputies from the Serhiy Kunitsyn bloc (representing the Kuchma-era NDP), Bloc of Yulia Tymoshenko (BYuT), and Crimean Tatars. Political repression of Crimean Tatars and repression of their culture and language is on-going in occupied Crimea (Coynash and Charron 2019; Skrypnyk 2019). Minister of Education Dmytro Tabachnyk expanded Soviet and Russian historical myths in Ukrainian education, and new state anniversaries were created that imported Putin’s cult of the Great Patriotic War. Kent (2016, 145) ignores Ukrainian sovereignty over Crimea at that time and confusingly describes the referendum as leading to the ‘re-establishment of the Crimean Soviet Socialist Republic.’ Following the Crimean referendum, the number of Soviet republics did not increase from fifteen to sixteen. Pro-Russian forces in Ukraine used Soviet-era anti-fascist rhetoric as a means to portray themselves as the defenders of Russian speakers who were preventing ‘civil war’ and bloodshed if ‘Ukrainian nationalists’ took power (Osipan 2015). In 1956, the new Soviet leader, Nikita Khrushchev, condemned Stalin's policies, including the deportation of various ethnic groups, but did not lift the directive forbidding the return of the Crimean Tatars, despite allowing the right of return for most other deported peoples. [107] Scholar Walter Kolarz alleges that the deportation and liquidation of Crimean Tatars as an ethnicity in 1944 was just the final act of the centuries-long process of Russian colonization of Crimea that started in 1783. [79], On 21 July 1967, the representatives of the Crimean Tatars, led by dissident Ayshe Seitmuratova, gained permission to meet with high-ranking Soviet officials in Moscow, including Yuri Andropov. The results of the Crimean parliamentary election held during Russia’s occupation in 2014 reflected those commonly found in Putin’s authoritarian system. One of these was the Russian film director Oleg Sentsov, who was sentenced in 2015 to twenty years imprisonment on trumped up charges of plotting terrorist acts. Why would Russian speakers fight and die for Ukraine if they were living under a tyranny ruled by ‘western Ukrainian nationalists’ and neo-Nazis? This and many other examples of the Party of Regions’ authoritarianism makes it very odd that western Putinversteher scholars portray the Party of Regions as a pluralistic force (Sakwa 2015, 2017a). Based on a civic understanding of what constitutes the history of a nation-state, Kyiv Rus should be understood as part of Ukrainian history. While deriding ‘monists,’ Sakwa (2015) praises the Party of Regions for its ‘comprehensive vision’ of Ukraine. Since the trains only stopped to open the doors at rare occasions during the trip, the sick inevitably contaminated others in the wagons. Paton (2015) wrote: Crimea is part of historic Russia and was only given to Ukraine (by the same Khrushchev demonised by Boyes) as a post-Stalin — intra-USSR — symbol of change. A large body of western academics support Russia’s ‘natural’ ownership of Crimea and see Russians, not Crimean Tatars, as the indigenous people of the region (Sakwa 2015, 2017a; Ploeg 2017, 117). [35], Soviet publications blatantly falsified information about Crimean Tatars in the Red Army, going so far as to describe Crimean Tatar Hero of the Soviet Union Uzeir Abduramanov as Azeri, not Crimean Tatar, on the cover of a 1944 issue of Ogonyok magazine - even though his family had been deported for being Crimean Tatar just a few months earlier. [44] Two of Stalin's directives from May 1944 reveal that every aspect of the Soviet government, from financing to transit, was involved in executing the operation. As such, they were legally designated as special settlers, which meant that they were officially second-class citizens, prohibited from leaving the perimeter of their assigned area, attending prestigious universities, and had to regularly appear before the commandant's office. In summer 2019, Ukraine was the only country outside Israel with a Jewish president (Zelenskyy) and Jewish Prime Minister (Volodymyr Hroysman). [85] Despite this, 577 families managed to obtain state permission to reside in Crimea. Academic orientalism is, however, a far bigger problem in Russian studies than in Crimea and in the next chapter, this will be shown through my critical review of western writing on the 2014 crisis and Russian-Ukrainian War. Thousands of Crimean Tatars were forcibly transferred to work as Ostarbeiter in German factories under the supervision of the Gestapo in what were described as "vast slave workshops", resulting in loss of all Crimean Tatar support. [20] Their status deteriorated further after Joseph Stalin became the Soviet leader and implemented repressions that led to the deaths of at least 5.2 million Soviet citizens between 1927 and 1938. After two Russian diplomats were expelled from Ukraine for espionage in summer 2009, President Dmitri Medvedev (2009) sent an undiplomatic and strongly critical open letter to Yushchenko demanding a raft of changes to Ukrainian domestic and foreign policies (D’Anieri 2019, 147). General. [63] Thus, by the end of December 1945, at least 27,000 Crimean Tatars had already died in exile. During 1945, a further 13,183 people died. The Crimean Tatars controlled the Crimean Khanate from 1441 to 1783, when Crimea was annexed by the Russian Empire as a target of Russian expansion. Some Ukrainians and Russians holding a Ukrainian civic identity in Crimea opposed Russia’s annexation (Nedozhogina 2019, 1086). The former wished to stay in power indefinitely by undermining their Ukrainian opponents, while Russia viewed pro-western Ukrainian political forces as Russophobes and ‘Ukrainian nationalists.’. Black people and Jews were both depicted in a negative manner. Six years after the Russian military occupied Crimea and seized the peninsula from Ukraine (based on the results of a carefully orchestrated referendum which was neither free nor fair), the human rights situation for local citizens under the occupation has become intolerable, especially for the Crimea’s Tatars. The Tatars are a Sunni-Muslim and ethnically and linguistically Turkic indigenous people of Crimea. Elie Kedourie (1979, 125) describe borders as ‘established by power and maintained by the constant and known readiness to defend them by arms.’ Wars and conflicts have often gone hand in hand with the creation of nation-states. Since then, only Ukrainians and Crimean Tatars have been subjected to political repression, and ethnic and religious discrimination. Defining the contours of Crimean autonomy plagued Kyiv-Crimean relations until the adoption of a Crimean constitution in 1998. [23], In total, 151,136 Crimean Tatars were deported to the Uzbek SSR; 8,597 to the Mari Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic; and 4,286 to the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic; and the remaining 29,846 were sent to various remote regions of the Russian SFSR. The centre of that territory was Novorossiysk, so the region is called New Russia. Yet, no opinion poll conducted prior to 2014 gave majority support for separatism in Crimea, making it highly likely the March 2014 referendum was a sham. The fourth section surveys Russian territorial claims towards Crimea since 1991. The Party of Regions was the main source of financing for the Svoboda Party as a means to take votes from other opposition parties and also to mobilise Russian speakers against a ‘fascist’ opponent (Jatras, 2011). Rinat Zakirov (of the World Tatar Congress) and Razil Valeev, both deputies of the Tatarstan Parliament, elaborated upon their visit to Crimea at a press conference in Kazan on March 2. Prior to 2014, Protestant parishes were nearly as numerous as Russian Orthodox parishes in the Donbas. Kadyrov, who is thirty-one, grew up hearing stories about marks on doors. [54], On 4 July 1944, the NKVD officially informed Stalin that the resettlement was complete. In spring 2014, the Council of Europe did not find credible claims of Russian speakers being threatened in Crimea (Ukraine: ad hoc visit of the Advisory Committee on the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities 2014). > Crimean Tatars. [126] Canadian Parliament passed a motion on June 10, 2019, recognizing the Crimean Tatar deportation of 1944 (Sürgünlik) as a genocide perpetrated by Soviet dictator Stalin, designating May 18 to be a day of remembrance. [40] Soviet accounts of the late 1940s indict the Crimean Tatars as an ethnicity of traitors. Wars have traditionally moulded high levels of ethnic consciousness and served to harden the national space (Williams and Smith 1983). Exactly six years ago, Russia launched a conveyor belt of persecution in occupied Crimea which it is now using on a mass scale, including against Crimean Tatar civic activists and journalists. We boarded boxcars – there were 60 people in each, but no one knew where we were being taken to. Magocsi (2014b) believes that the only people who can claim to be indigenous to Crimea are Tatars; that is, they are the ‘First Nation’ because they lived there for six hundred years before the peninsula’s conquest by Tsarist Russia (Magocsi 2014a). 70% of Russians support their government’s policy of issuing Russian passports to residents of Russian-occupied Donbas, which would make them Russian citizens and provide Russia with a legal fig leaf to intervene on their behalf (Crimea: Five Years 2019). After Russian occupation forces fled from the western Donetsk city of Slavyansk, the bodies of the Church of the Transfiguration pastor’s two sons, Ruvim and Albert Pavenko, and two deacons, Victor Brodarsky and Vladimir Velichko, were found tortured and murdered (Peterson 2014). [115] Dzhemilev, who was in Turkey during the annexation, was banned from entering Crimea for five years by the Russian authorities, thus marking the second time that he was evicted from his native land. In the decade prior to 2014, Ukraine’s regional tensions were inflamed by US and Russian political consultants. The Donbas was included in the Ukrainian SSR by Soviet leader Lenin against the wishes of the local Bolsheviks who had established a quasi-independent Donetsk-Krivyy Rih Soviet Republic; the Donetsk People’s Republic (DNR) (the second Donbas enclave controlled by Russia) claims to be its successor. [90] Finally, in 1989, the ban on the return of the deported ethnicities was officially declared null and void; the Supreme Council of Crimea also issued a declaration on 14 November 1989 that the previous deportations of peoples were a criminal activity. And just as the USSR’s missiles in Cuba can be equated with the US’s in Turkey, Putin’s perspective on Ukraine is coloured by the US and EU supporting the removal of a democratically elected Ukrainian leader (however distasteful) and also supporting the expansion of Nato right up to Soviet borders, breaking a recent agreement. [57] This paved the way for 260,000 Crimean Tatars to return to their homeland. This chapter is divided into five sections. Russia’s invasion of Georgia was a trial run for its invasion of Crimea six years later (Plokhy 2017, 337). This reinforced Soviet-era hegemony of the Russian language, not equality between Ukrainian and Russian. Four leading volunteer battalions were composed of eastern Ukrainians (Donbas, Dnipro-1, Dnipro-2, Aydar, Azov) and the highest rates of casualties of security forces are found in Dnipropetrovsk oblast (see the map at 6.2). This is the holiday which concludes the 30-day fast from sunrise till sunset during the holy month of Ramadan (Crimean Tatar: Ramazan). [108] Professor of Russian and Soviet history Rebecca Manley similarly concluded that the real aim of the Soviet government was to "cleanse" the border regions of "unreliable elements". Ukrainian nationalism has always had low levels of support among Ukrainians, and it played a minor role in the Euromaidan (Onuch and Sasse 2018). Russian intelligence services in the Black Sea Fleet based in Crimea under the twenty-year ‘temporary’ agreement signed in 1997 undertook covert activity in support of Russian separatist groups. The process of the co-option of the Communist Party of Ukraine, which shared the stronghold of Donetsk with the Party of Regions, had begun when Yanukovych was Donetsk Governor, and they remained allies through to the Euromaidan Revolution (Kuzio 2015a). Support from Russia victims were Crimean Tatars and Ukrainians gained ground among Russian and. ( Paasi 1995, 43 ) records, there are 8,334,100 ( 17.3 per cent the. Buried the unfortunate little ones just something in books—it is a “ Russian ancestral land ” US Russian! Abandoned Crimean Tatar villages, but bureaucracy constrained their efforts to return to,... 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